Theodor Gomperz - Greek Thinkers: A History of Ancient Philosophy - “Cyrenaic Ethics”

Below is a selection of Theodor Gomperz’s A History of Ancient Philosophy detailing the philosophy of Aristippus and the Cyrenaics as regards their ethical theories. I have underlined important material for emphasis. 

Cyrenaic Ethics:

The apostle of the new doctrine was Aristippus. It is said that this son of Cyrene met with a disciple of Socrates at the Olympic festival, was deeply stirred by what he heard from him, and induced to go to Athens and attach himself to the Socratic circle. Of the further course of his life we know little, except that he gave instruction for pay (for which reason Aristotle calls him a sophist), and that, like Plato and Aeschines, he made a considerable stay at the Syracusan court. His literary activity is shrouded in almost impenetrable darkness. That several writings have been attributed to him erroneously, and others foisted upon him in the interests of particular doctrines, there seems to be no doubt. But as we find a younger contemporary of Aristippus, so competent a judge and so well-informed as Aristotle, acquainted not only with particular doctrines of his, but also with the arguments on which they rested, we cannot but suppose that they were committed to writing. Another contemporary, the historian Theopompus, accused Plato of having plagiarized from Aristippus. The charge was quite unfounded, but it could never have been made at all if the Cyrenaic had left absolutely no philosophical writings behind him. We, however, possess but a few lines of them, nor does any fragment remain of the history of Libya attributed to him. Lost, too, are a couple of dialogues, entitled “Aristippus,” in which the Megarian Stitpo and Plato's nephew Speusippus are introduced discussing his doctrines. Yet we are not without some knowledge of his personality, a sharply outlined sketch of which was preserved by the ancient world. Aristippus possessed the mastery of a virtuoso over the art of life and the art of dealing with men. He joins hands with the Cynics in their endeavour to be equal to all vicissitudes of fate; but he has less faith than they in renunciation, and in the necessity of seeking salvation by flight from the difficulties and dangers of life. The man who makes himself master of a horse or of a ship, so he is reported to have said, is not the man who declines its use, but the one who knows how to guide it in the right direction. A similar attitude seemed to him to be the right one to adopt towards pleasure. His well-known saying, “I possess, but am not possessed,” is reported, rightly or wrongly, as having been originally uttered with reference to the celebrated courtesan Lais ; but its application was much wider than that. “To be master of things, not mastered by them,” is the expression by which Horace characterizes the life-ideal of Aristippus. “Every colour,” to quote the same poet again, “every condition, every situation clothed him equally well.” His equanimity gained him the almost unwilling praise of Aristotle, who relates how a somewhat self-assertive utterance of Plato once drew from him the curt, cool rejoinder, “How unlike our friend!” meaning Socrates. In his disposition there was a peculiar strain of sunny cheerfulness which kept him both from anxious care about the future, and from violent regrets for the past. The almost unexampled combination of great capacity for enjoyment and great freedom from wants, his gentleness and calmness in face of every provocation, made a profound impression on his contemporaries. And though his was a peaceable nature, averse from all contention, and therefore from all participation in public life, there was yet not wanting in it an element of courage, which found expression, passively rather than actively, in contempt for wealth and indifference to suffering. Even Cicero places Aristippus by the side of Socrates, and speaks of the “great and divine excellences” by which both men compensated any offences of which they may have been guilty against custom and tradition. As late as the eighteenth century, the spirit of the age was in sympathy with characters of this type. Montesquieu illustrates, without knowing it, the above words of self-description ascribed to Aristippus, in a phrase bearing reference to his own character: “My machine is so happily compounded that I am sufficiently sensitive to things to enjoy them, but not enough to suffer from them.” And the abbes who frequented the salons of society ladies had no reason for preferring the rags of unwashed Cynics to the fashionable dress of the perfumed philosopher. But with us of the present day that type has to some extent lost favour. With the children of the nineteenth century, a strong, fervid, if one-sided, nature counts for more than the calculating wisdom and the all-round culture of the artist in life. But at least it should not be forgotten that this man with the clear cool brain was exceptionally qualified to examine and appreciate the facts of human nature with dispassionate impartiality. In Plato we find the expressions, “men of refinement,” and “men of superior refinement,” applied to a set of philosophers whom we have every reason to identify with Aristippus and his followers. And it is quite true that subtlety in discrimination, keenness of analysis, strictness in the deduction of consequences, were pre-eminently distinctive of the school of Cyrene.

The field of scientific interest was, for Aristippus, confined within almost as narrow bounds as for his master, Socrates. He was just as far removed as the latter from all investigations of nature, while against mathematics he is reported to have raised the not very far-sighted objection that it stood on a lower level than the handicrafts, because no part is played in it by “the better and the worse,” that is, by considerations of utility and human welfare. His interest thus centres chiefly in ethics, or the science of the well-being of man; he is completely at one with Socrates in this, and he is moved by kindred motives. His earnest endeavour after clearness and definiteness in the treatment of ethical questions is a feature which he may, perhaps, be said to have inherited from Socrates. But in Aristippus this tendency assumes a fundamentally different form. In point of method, he joins hands with Antisthenes. With both philosophers, dialectic and the search for definitions are thrust far into the background. The sure basis which they sought, was found, not in ideas, but in facts. At the same time, Aristippus avoided building upon fictitious empirical data, such as the Antisthenic conception of the primitive age. In him we find the first attempt to work back to the fundamental facts of human nature, its “Urphanomene,” to use Goethe's expression. For him, as for his teacher, happiness is at once goal and starting-point. But for the purpose of establishing its true nature, he follows the path, not of conceptional determination or definition, but of the ascertainment of facts; he recognizes pleasurable sensation. For this, children and animals strive with an instinctive impulse, just as they seek to avoid pain. Here is the root-phenomenon, the at once incontestable and fundamental fact on which must be based, according to his view, every attempt to fix a code of rules for the conduct of human life. In order to follow the line of thought taken by Aristippus and his school, it is indispensable to be familiarly acquainted with the speculations of modern Hedonists. It is only thus that the meagre extracts, from which our knowledge of the Cyrenaic moral system is derived, become intelligible to us, only thus can the dead doctrines speak to us with a living voice. If the pursuit of pleasure is to serve as an unassailable foundation for the construction of rules to govern human life, it is necessary to observe strictly a distinction which was insisted on by Aristippus with as much zeal and as much consistency as afterwards by Jeremy Bentham. Pleasure, as such, must always and everywhere be regarded as a good, and the necessity, which, of course, occurs with great frequency, of abstaining from pleasure, must in each case be supported by cogent reasoning. The argument involves a strict separation of the pleasurable feeling from the circumstances which produce it, accompany it, or arise out of it; and all confusion of the kind must be guarded against with extreme care. At the risk of the worst misunderstandings, both Aristippus and Bentham held with unshakable firmness to the position that pleasure qua pleasure is always a good, no matter what the case may be with its causes or its consequences. From the one or from the other there may arise an excess of pain; the good is then outweighed by the evil in the other scale, and the only rational mode of action is to abstain from it. In other cases, again, actions accompanied by painful feelings are the indispensable means for the gaining of pleasurable feelings the price, as it were, which must be paid for them, a call upon us which must be met without flinching if our object is a positive balance of pleasure. The art of life is thus resolved into a species of measurement or calculation, such as Plato describes at the close of the “Protagoras” a result which he represents as arising legitimately out of the fundamental teachings of Socrates, but which he does not appear to accept with entire inward satisfaction.

But before we come to the application of the doctrine, let us return once more to its logical justification. The pleasure most worth striving for was not considered by Aristippus, as it was afterwards by Epicurus, to consist in mere freedom from pain; but he was just as far from assigning such pre-eminence to violent pleasures, or those which are bound up with the appeasement of passionate desire. The name of “pleasure” denoted for Aristippus, not, perhaps, the zero on the Epicurean scale of emotion, but still a fairly low reading on the positive side of it. The mere absence of pain and the mere absence of pleasure were both regarded as “middle states.”

It is by no means clear what was the precise method which Aristippus followed in constructing his more exact definition of “pleasure.” We only know that he looked upon it as a kind of “gentle motion” finding its way into consciousness, and contrasted it with the rough or tumultuous motion which is felt as pain. He cannot in this have been guided simply by observation of natural processes; for children and animals, to which he was all ready to appeal, seek the more violent pleasures as eagerly as the gentler kinds, if not more so. Was it the short duration of the most intense pleasures, or the admixture of pain arising from want and passionate desire (the ordinary precursors of those pleasures), or was it both factors together, that decisively influenced his judgment and his choice? We have every reason to frame some such conjecture. For nothing lay further from his way of thinking than the arbitrariness of a mere fiat of authority conceived as declaring the gentler pleasures to be the only admissible species, and ignoring all the others. Some rational ground for his preference appears to be alluded to in the statement, attributed to him, that “one pleasure is not different from other pleasures.” Perhaps the least forced interpretation of this strange sentence is as follows: Aristippus (and the same may be said of Bentham) did not deny differences between pleasures in respect of intensity, duration, their purity, that is, freedom from admixture. What he attacked was the recognition, on a priori grounds, of qualitative distinctions between them, or distinctions in respect of their worth. So construed, the above sentence is nothing more than a protest against the claim to assign to one class of pleasures a precedence before others which is not supported by any process of reasoning, but rests entirely on so-called intuitive judgments.

Partial or isolated pleasures, however, were regarded by him as being immediately worthy of pursuit, not merely as a means for the attainment of that “sum of pleasurable sensations” to which was given the name of happiness or well-being. The language of the ancient excerpt is here in almost verbal agreement with that of a modern utilitarian, who, on this point at least, remained a strict Hedonist: “The ingredients of happiness are very various, and each of them is desirable in itself, and not merely when considered as swelling an aggregate.” A reply was thus provided to the objection which lay close at hand, and was indeed speedily raised, that human life offers on the whole a balance of pain rather than of pleasure. However inevitable this concession to pessimism might seem to be, it remained none the less desirable to seek the maximum of attainable pleasure, no matter whether this maximum did or did not exceed the sum of all the pain experienced in a lifetime. Wisdom was declared to be a good, but not an end in itself; rather was it a means towards the end just described. It preserved the wise man from the worst enemies of happiness from superstition, and from the passions which, like “the passions of love and envy, rest on empty imagination.” But the wise man could not remain exempt from all emotions, he could not escape sorrow and fear, because these had their origin in nature. Yet the wisdom based on such true insight was not in itself enough to guarantee happiness unconditionally. The wise man could not expect a life of perfect happiness, nor was his opposite, the bad man, absolutely and entirely miserable. Each condition would only prevail “for the most part;” in other words, wisdom and its opposite possessed a tendency to bring happiness and misery respectively. And even to create the tendency, note the correction of Socratic onesidedness, wisdom alone was not sufficient; training, the education of the body not least of all, was indispensable for this purpose. Similarly, to some extent consequently, the virtues were not an exclusive privilege of the wise. Some of them might be found in the unwise as well.

This spirit of moderation and circumspection, this cautious avoidance of exclusiveness and exaggeration, present us with a welcome contrast to the impression produced by most ancient systems of ethics, an impression which the reader has possibly already received from the Cynic system. But here again points of contact are not wanting between the two great ethical ramifications of Socratism. It is true that Antisthenes, in expressing his elevation above wants and all manner of dependence, his hatred towards the slavery of sensual pleasure, falls into the exaggeration, not to say unnaturalness, of professing an absolute and entire hostility to and contempt for all pleasure; on the other hand, there is attributed to him a saying that pleasure is a good, but “only that pleasure which is followed by no repentance.” To this Aristippus might very well have assented; only he would have formulated the proposition somewhat more precisely by asserting that pleasure is a good even in the excepted case, though it is then equalled or outweighed by the evil of repentance.

[…]

That by “pleasure” the Cyrenaics did not mean the pleasures of sense exclusively, it is hardly necessary to state. They pointed out, among other things, that the same impressions received by the eye or ear produce different emotional effects according to the verdict passed on them by the intelligence: thus the cries of pain which distress us when they proceed from real sufferers affect us pleasurably when they occur in the artistic presentation of a tragedy on the stage. It is true that the school, or, more correctly, a part of it, assigned the greatest intensity to bodily feelings, in support of which view they appealed to the preponderating use of corporal punishment in education and in the administration of the criminal law. 

[…] 

Hedonism, to our thinking, does not deserve the reproaches commonly levelled against it. But it hardly seems to give an adequate account of the facts it is intended to explain. Like many other ancient doctrines, it suffers from a defect which is the reverse side of a great merit : it strains after a higher degree of simplicity than the facts really exhibit. That supposed fundamental phenomenon, which it and the most illustrious of its adepts Bentham place at the root of all human endeavour, the desire for pleasure and the dread of pain, does in truth lie at a very considerable depth. But it is not the deepest to which the eye of the searcher can penetrate. Let us consider, for example, the human, or rather animal, craving for food. Is it true that man and beast desire food for the sake of the pleasure which accompanies the consuming it ? If we examine the matter closely, it will appear, we think, that the case is otherwise. Our desire for food is something immediate, arising from the instinctive impulse towards the preservation and the enhancement of life ; the pleasure is an accessory phenomenon, associated with this as with all other actions which promote life and its vigorous manifestation. Probably we shall not go far wrong if we interpret the facts somewhat as follows. The combination of matter which composes an animal organism is subject to continual dissociation, which would be definitive if the loss were not repaired. This combination possesses at the same time a tendency to persist a primordial fact which also appears in the reaction of the cell against injurious influences, and of which, as of some kindred facts in nature, no ulterior explanation seems attainable. We may mention the principle of heredity, which rests on the tendency of a process which has once begun to continue indefinitely, and the First Law of Motion, in which the same tendency is displayed in its most comprehensive application. Now, the processes that take place within the organism are, in part at least, attended by phenomena of a psychical order, particularly by emotional excitement ; and it thus happens, by virtue of one of the least striking but perhaps most far-reaching of teleological adjustments, that the processes conducive to its preservation are felt as pleasurable, while those which are unfavourable are felt as painful. Pleasure and pain may thus pass for phenomena accompanying those primitive tendencies, but not for the tendencies themselves. In the above remarks, the germ of which is to be found in Aristotle, we have considered man as a part of nature, not as something existing by the side of nature. They will have been misunderstood, however, if it is supposed that man, endowed with reason and feeling, is to be taken as a mere slave and tool of his primary impulses. For by virtue of the images and ideas stored in his consciousness, or, more correctly, by virtue of the dispositions of will arising out of them, he is enabled to offer resistance to even the strongest of these impulses ; he can resolve to die, indeed to die of hunger. But so long as, and in so far as, he has entered no veto against his natural instincts, they produce their effects in him immediately, without reference to possible pleasure, even when their satisfaction has pleasure for a consequence. In this, as in other cases, Socratist and the cognate modern schools of thought have overshot the mark in the rationalization of human life. It was a great thought, that the whole code of conduct ought to be based on the foundation of a single impulse. But this Monism or Centralism, if we may be allowed the expression, cannot hold its ground, we think, against the richer variety, the Pluralism or Federalism of nature.

Critiquing Leonard Peikoff’s Misrepresention of Heraclitus

Leonard Peikoff is Ayn Rand’s official intellectual heir and the foremost systematizer of her philosophy. He is also an educated professor who published an extensive lecture series covering the history of Western philosophy from Ancient Greece to the modern era. This series, though informative and entertaining, has many faults. My interest is particularly keen regarding certain figures, so I have greater awareness of the violence being done to their character. Heraclitus of Ephesus is most egregiously and creatively besmirched by Peikoff’s portrayal, though it is initially unclear from where precisely these mistakes originate. Fortunately, there is a printed and edited transcript of these lectures issued by Michael S. Berliner, who has taken the trouble to source Peikoff’s quotes and add clarifying notes where appropriate. It is from this version of the series that I will be critiquing the material, ensuring that I chase down the origin-point for the prevalent errors, misunderstanding, and misinformation propagated during this lesson. In choosing Peikoff as my target, I want to stress that he is merely emblematic of this issue, not uniquely bad, as we will discover when looking into the secondary sources. Heraclitus is routinely abused by academic philosophers who repeat the same distortions popularized since Plato’s dialogues, so it is little wonder that we find no exception here. I wish to discover to what extent Peikoff is honestly misinformed, and to correct the record for Heraclitus, the boldest Ionian. Without further ado, here is my analysis of the Heraclitus segment taken from Lecture One of Leonard Peikoff’s Founders of Western Philosophy series, as presented in print:

Charge 1 - Heraclitus Flouts the Law of Non-Contradiction:

Peikoff’s first order of business is to show that Heraclitus implicitly repudiates the as-yet-undiscovered logical laws of identity and non-contradiction. 

[Heraclitus] said, everybody is so interested in change, I propose to show that the phenomenon of change is incompatible with these laws of logic. (2023, p. 31). 

Due to this portrayal, the Aristotelian objectivists consider Heraclitus to be the first villain of western philosophy (p. 30). Peikoff launches into a series of examples, presumably his own, which attempt to illustrate the apparent contradiction inherent in change on this view, as the entity seemingly both is and is not “the same” throughout the process; it is both A and non-A, according to Heraclitus.

Readers familiar with the extant Heraclitean remnants may be left scratching their heads due to the format of this presentation, but my assumption is that the analysis is indirectly based on an interpretation of the following popular fragments which are quoted later in the same lecture, perhaps including any of the multitude that enumerate opposite qualities (the following are translated by Burnet, 1920):

(81) We step and do not step into the same rivers; we are and are not.

(41, 42) You cannot step twice into the same rivers; for fresh waters are ever flowing in upon you.

If these are in fact the basis of the argument, Peikoff is in trouble. In order to constitute a contradiction, you must fulfill the requirements of attributing contrary predicates to an object both at the same time and in the same respect, as Peikoff himself acknowledges (p. 31). The use of the term “same” above, in both formulations of the river analogy, makes no such stipulations. At worst, Heraclitus is guilty of using the fallacy of dropped qualification in order to yield an apparent paradox (Barnes, 1982). In the scheme of Heraclitus’s philosophy, these examples are in fact illustrations of change and identity co-existing: they are just another instance of the unity of opposites, which we will look at soon. It is precisely the continuous flow of fresh water that constitutes a river, as opposed to a relatively stable body of water such as a pond or a lake. In other words, it is precisely in not remaining materially identical that the endurance of the river as the same phenomenon is ensured, an argument which Aristotle concurs with: “Shall we say that … [a] city [remains] the same, although the citizens are always dying and being born, as we call rivers and fountains the same, although the water is always flowing away and more coming?” (Aristotle Politics 1276a34–39, revised Oxford translation).

Nevertheless, Peikoff bolsters his analysis with our first source, taken from the section on Heraclitus found in American philosopher B.A.G. Fuller’s A History of Philosophy:

[Reality’s] essential nature lay in being both the same as itself and different from itself. For in order to change, a thing must become different from itself. If it remains the same as itself, it hasn’t changed. But also, after it has changed, it must still be the same thing, otherwise there has been no change, but simply the substitution of one object for another. A changing thing then is an identity of opposites. It both is and is not what it was and what it will be. (Fuller, 1955). 

Further reading of Fuller’s entry reveals a tangled mess of misinterpretation, dominated by an error which originates with Aristotle, who takes Heraclitus as essentially a Milesian promoting an identity of opposites, the sub-heading afforded to this treatment in Fuller’s book. Ironically, our author recognizes that Heraclitus’ provocative paradoxes have enabled over-zealous commentators to credit him “with much that never entered his head”. Barely a moment later he tells us that Heraclitus clearly proclaims the gist of his discovery, that “opposites are in reality identical and that “all things are one”” (1955, p. 49). A citation is provided, referring readers to Burnet’s translation of Fragment 1 (following Bywater), which corroborates only the uncontroversial latter half. A unitary whole, such as the universe (the referent of the Fragment 1’s “all things”), can accommodate countless attributes, some of which will be contrary without contradiction so long as they are not regionally simultaneous and/or coextensive (recall the criteria provided above). The issues with Fuller’s account are numerous, mostly Aristotelian in origin, and include attributing to Heraclitus an elemental substantialist ontology, a process-philosophy, a theory of “becoming” as opposed to “being”, and much else besides. As Peikoff is our focus here, I will only say a brief word about the central problem of the quoted material, and leave the rest for the latter portions of his own presentation. A careful reading shows that Heraclitus clearly describes a unity of opposites, pointing to their connection and interdependence, and is far from positing an “identity of opposites” tantamount to reductionism. Insofar as Fuller misleads Peikoff on this point, he is responsible for the belief that Heraclitus rejects the law of non-contradiction. This point is important enough to warrant a lengthy quote from G.T.W. Patrick, in refutation of proto-Hegelian nonsense (the underlining for emphasis is my own):

…there is something more to be said concerning the unity or sameness of opposites. This teaching is very prominent in the Heraclitic fragments (cp. frags. 35, 36, 39, 43, 45, 46, 52, 57, 58, 59, 67, 78)…But all the critics have failed to notice that we have in these fragments two distinct classes of oppositions which, though confused in Heraclitus’ mind, led historically into different paths of development. The first is that unity of opposites which results from the fact that they are endlessly passing into one another. It must not be forgotten that this is a purely physical opposition, as has been pointed out by Zeller, Schuster and others, in refutation of the opinion of Lassalle, who fancied that he had found here a Hegelian logical identity of contradictories. As examples of this class of oppositions may be mentioned the identity of day and night (frag. 35), gods and men (frag. 67), alive and dead, asleep and awake (frag. 78). The identity of these oppositions means that they are not in themselves abiding conditions, but are continually and reciprocally passing into one another. As Heraclitus plainly says, they are the same because they are reciprocal transmutations of each other (frag. 78). But now we have another class of opposites to which this reasoning will not apply. “Good and evil,” he says, “are the same” (frag. 57). This is simply that identity of opposites which developed into the Protagorean doctrine of relativity. The same thing may be good or evil according to the side from which you look at it. (Patrick, 2015).

Perhaps more revealing than the explanation of the Unity of Opposites is what we do not find here: any reference whatsoever to underlying “matter” undergoing “formal” change, possessing at one and the same time, in the same respect, an identity of opposite qualities. Heraclitus is innocent of any such notion, and it is anachronistic to foist it upon him. When the Ephesian discusses opposed pairs, he refers to them in the primary sense of brute physical phenomena, or else, as different perspectives on one and the same instance. Phillip Wheelwright concisely dismantles the hylomorphic assumptions fueling these incorrect interpretations: 

Most persons are uneasy in contemplating change in so radical a manner as Heraclitus does. They require, as a conceptual prop, the idea of "something, I know not what" underlying the changing particulars. In this respect, although perhaps without knowing it, they are Aristotelians. Heraclitus, on the contrary, is not an Aristotelian: neither grammatically nor conceptually does he share Aristotle's need for "a third something that endures" in any alteration from opposite to opposite. To him every change is a knock-down battle between two ontological opposites, and there is no referee—neither a Platonic higher Form nor an Aristotelian "underlying substance"—that can be regarded as standing logically outside the process. (1964).

So much for B.A.G. Fuller.

Peikoff closes this initial attack with the allegation that the American Pragmatist F.C.S Schiller and the German Marxist Friedrich Engels are faithful inheritors of Heraclitus’ doctrine, providing quotes to illustrate their joyous celebration of contradictions. Peikoff later ends the lecture with a long list of disastrous philosophical trends that Heraclitus is apparently responsible for. I will not deal with Schiller here, whose origin-point for this explication is difficult to track, though there is no evidence to suggest a faux-Heracliteanism as the foundation. As for Engels, both Hegel and Lassalle are responsible for the most fantastic appropriations of Heraclitus, and Marxism is heavily influenced by the Hegelian school of thought, so this may indeed be an authentic genealogy, though certainly not an honest or accurate one. The Hegelian scholarship regarding Heraclitus is so impressively poor that it would require its own lengthy dismantling and is thus beyond the scope of this post, but curious readers are directed towards G.T.W. Patrick’s book for further information. 

Charge 2 - Heraclitus Flouts the Law of Identity:

Peikoff moves to the next major problem with Heraclitean philosophy as he sees it, claiming that the flux theory constitutes a rejection of the law of identity. The initial attribution of flux to Heraclitus is fairly uncontroversial, but error enters when Peikoff attempts to elaborate on this doctrine:

The word that he used is “Becoming,” usually spelled with a capital “B,” Becoming—everything is becoming, changing, evolving, developing, in process. Since he made this metaphysical, it follows that it applied to everything—not just to sticks and stones, but to sealing wax and kings and the whole works—and therefore, Heraclitus took the view that everything is changing, in every respect, at every instant. Change governs everything. Therefore, nothing remains the same for two consecutive instances in any respect.

Peikoff packs two common errors together with merciful brevity. Firstly, Heraclitus knows nothing of abstract “being” and “becoming”. Neither of these terms is present in the Fragments, contrary to what Hegelians would have us believe, as G.T.W. Patrick explains:

…we may say here in passing, that neither the expressions τὸ ὂν [being], μὴ ὂν [non-being], nor even τὸ γιγνόμενον [becoming], occur in any genuine saying of Heraclitus; although if they did occur, it would be easy to show that they could not mean at all what Hegel meant by being, non-being, and becoming. Even the Eleatic Being was not at all the same with that of Hegel, but was finite, spherical, and something very much like that which we should call material. But Heraclitus, who indeed preceded Parmenides, said nothing of being nor of non-being, nor did he speak of becoming in the abstract, although the trustful reader of Hegel, Lassalle, or Ferrier, might well suppose he spoke of nothing else. That which these writers mistook for becoming was, as we shall see later, only physical change. (2015).

Secondly, this notion of flux as absolute dissolution, functioning at every level, continuing at the same rate, morphing in every respect, is pure Cratylus, not Heraclitus, and serves only to rhetorically bolster Plato’s confident bifurcation of the universe into the ever-shifting world of appearance on the one hand, and the world of eternal perfect forms on the other. In the remains of Heraclitus, we find nothing of the sort:

[This] reasoning assumes that by absolute change is meant uniform change all in one way, which would not be change at all, but absolute fixity. Difference is the essential element in change, and difference is all that is necessary to the idea of change. (Patrick, 2015).

…there is no reason at all to ascribe a strong Cratylan Flux to Heraclitus. Cratylus did not sit at Heraclitus’ feet, nor did he parrot Heraclitean doctrine: his theory is explicitly presented as a development, not a restatement, of Heraclitean Flux. Cratylus is described as a Heraclitean, and that is intelligible enough: his doctrine, that everything is always flowing in all respects, is evidently a child of Heraclitus’ doctrine, that everything is always flowing in some respects. (Barnes, 1982).

There is no primary fragment nor reliable testimony to support anything like the maddening chaos that Peikoff attributes to Heraclitus. All we have are Plato’s Theaetetus and Cratylus dialogues, which nakedly use quasi-Heraclitean theories as stage props to contrast the author’s own resolution, and are quite obviously not an attempt to accurately illustrate the historical figure’s authentic beliefs. Lest it be alleged that this is not the source of Peikoff’s error, he confirms this theory shortly afterwards: “Heraclitus summarized [this position] in two famous aphorisms (which are two of his fragments), “Nothing is, everything is becoming.” Which is surely a paradoxical utterance. And the other famous one is panta rhei, in other words, “Everything flows and nothing abides.”” (p. 36). Incredibly, neither of these examples are authentic fragments! You need not take my word for it, I will let the objectivist editor Michael S. Berliner apologize for the oversight: 

Note this caveat: “Πάντα ῥεῖ” (panta rhei), i.e., “everything flows,” seems either not to have been written by Heraclitus or did not survive as a quotation of his. This famous aphorism used to characterize Heraclitus’s thought comes from Simplicius, a Neoplatonist, and from Plato’s Cratylus where it is translated as “everything moves.” (p. 74)

As for the first “fragment”, I have no idea where it came from in this form, seemingly neither does Berliner who overlooks it, but it appears to be a paraphrase of the theory attributed to Heraclitus in Theaetetus, and we have already discussed how any attribution of “becoming” to Heraclitus is an impossibility. Regardless, Peikoff continues onward undeterred to the implications of such a theory: “From this point, Heraclitus drew a momentously important consequence: There are no things at all. No entities.” (p. 35). This is perfectly sensible as a criticism of Cratylus and the dizzying flux theory that Peikoff has presented us, but it simply does not touch Heraclitus. 

An abysmally poor explication of similar quality to what preceded it is provided by Peikoff at this point. It comes from the historian Gordon H. Clark. I will not bother reproducing it here because it is not worth the space, but the upshot is summarized by Peikoff immediately afterwards, his takeaway being that, 

The Heraclitean view is that all that exists is change—a stream of shifting, restless, transitory, seething, boiling, bubbling, melting, fusing, swirling activity, riddled with contradictions, as though the whole universe were plunged in a kind of cosmic food blender, and just flowed in all directions (and didn’t flow, because … you know). (2023, p. 37).

At the risk of beating a dead horse, I will end this section with a quote from Barnes, who notes: “the Theory of Flux does not imply the Wittgensteinian thesis that ‘the world is the totality of facts, not of things’. Nor does it imply the different theory that the world is the totality of changes. Rather, it suggests that the world is a mass of things—stuffs and substances—which are subject to constant change.” (1982). This thesis of Heraclitus’ is completely comprehensible to ordinary sense, and is the obvious interpretation of his work, especially if we understand his mode of thinking and the way he arrived at these sweeping observations. Unfortunately, and this may be the crux of the issue, Peikoff is horrendously misled regarding Heraclitean epistemology, which we will now address.

Charge 3 - Heraclitus Repudiates the Senses:

Worse perhaps than any other false accusation levied at Heraclitus thus far is the charge that he repudiated sensory experience in favor of rationalistic inward contemplation or proto-Socratic pure reason. If this wasn’t egregious enough, Peikoff springs from that initial claim to a portrayal of the famous monist as an archetypical model for what would later become Platonic dualism! Peikoff does not mince words or leave any room for doubt: 

[Heraclitus is] the first man in the history of philosophy to regard the senses as invalid. The reason is very simple: By the evidence of our senses, it appears that there are permanent, motionless, unchanging things. And yet, he says, we know that that’s not true. We know that everything is changing, and so we must say that our senses are deceptive, they’re invalid, they are too gross to detect the degree of change that is actually taking place. (p. 38)

This is where our charity must terminate. No secondary sources are provided in this section, no fragments are quoted, and there is seemingly nobody else to blame for this diabolical reversal of the facts than Peikoff himself, who is readily convinced, based on the counterfeit picture he has painted so far, that this simply must be the Ephesian’s attitude towards sense-experience. Since there is no evidence or argument provided, we rely for the force of this assertion only on Peikoff’s intuitive inference. He continues, 

Therefore, an earthshakingly important distinction is implicit in Heraclitus, the distinction between two realms—reality and appearance. Reality is that which really exists. In Heraclitus’s view, it’s a mass of change. His “reality” is very often referred to as “Heraclitean flux,” that being a way of describing nothing but change, which is riddled with contradictions besides. So, there’s reality and, on the other hand, there is the world as it appears to us, the world that the Greeks called “the world of appearance.” Reality is known by reason, reason apart from the senses, reason in contradiction to the senses. And the world of appearances is the world as given to us by the deceptive senses. This duality between reality and appearance, and its corresponding epistemological duality of reason versus the senses, runs all through Greek philosophy with one or two exceptions. And Heraclitus is the first in which you find it. Anyone who subscribes to this view and who says that reason is what we should follow (reason in this sense of the term, reason as opposed to the senses) is called a philosophic rationalist. Therefore, Heraclitus can be regarded as the first Greek rationalist. That’s obviously not “reason” in any Objectivist or Aristotelian sense of the term, but that’s the way the terms are used. You will see that Plato is a rationalist in this sense also. (p. 39).

Peikoff is perfectly incorrect here and in fact reports the exact opposite qualities of Reality and Appearance as Socrates and Plato genuinely contend with them, for the pair of Athenians were disturbed by the lesson they took from Heraclitus, that the world of appearance, the world of sensible objects, was where we find constant alteration, and there was, for these two idealists, nothing sufficiently permanent in the universe to ground human conceptions such as Justice or Goodness. Peikoff would have us believe that instead, as a matter of empirical observation, Heraclitus finds overwhelming concrete fixity, that this is what he rejects as “illusory”, and he urges us to ignore the evidence of the senses, turn our attention inward, and loyally adhere to the a priori doctrine of absolute flux that pure reason assures us must exist. In actual fact, this rationalistic program is the exact pattern used by the first objectivist “hero” in Western thought, Parmenides of Elea, who reached the inverse conclusion and stressed that change was logically impossible, that the motion we believe we observe in everyday life was non-existent.

In contrast, Heraclitus is more accurately described as a proto-empiricist, though this terminology is anachronistic and does not quite capture his multi-faceted approach, which included natural rationality. Neverthless, the Ephesian’s entire philosophy is based on observation of the same phenomenal reality found in common experience, open to investigation by all conscious beings, and he repeatedly urges men to pay attention to this world in front of us, rather than turning to private imaginings. Heraclitus endlessly bemoans the ignorance of the multitude who he denigrates for failing to pay attention to the manifest facts they encounter on a daily basis, likening them to sleep-walkers. The counter-evidence in the Fragments is so tediously overwhelming that I will list out the clear examples just so readers can understand the willful ignorance on display: 

(4) Eyes and ears are bad witnesses to men if they have souls that understand not their language. (5) The many do not take heed of such things as those they meet with, nor do they mark them when they are taught, though they think they do. (6) Knowing not how to listen nor how to speak. (13) The things that can be seen, heard, and learned are what I prize the most. (15) The eyes are more exact witnesses than the ears. (20) This world, which is the same for all, no one of gods or men has made… (37) If all things were turned to smoke, the nostrils would distinguish them. ​(49) Men that love wisdom must be acquainted with very many things indeed. (91b) Those who speak with understanding must hold fast to what is common to all as a city holds fast to its law, and even more strongly.(92) So we must follow the common, yet though my Word [account] is common, the many live as if they had a wisdom of their own. (93) They are estranged from that with which they have most constant intercourse. (94) It is not meet to act and speak like men asleep. ​(95) The waking have one common world, but the sleeping turn aside each into a world of his own. (Burnet, 1920).

Peikoff’s charge of mystical rationalism, though apparently original, is not altogether unique, and fortunately the German scholar Edmund Pfleiderer (approvingly) attributes a similar approach for Heraclitus, one which G.T.W. Patrick readily dismantles: 

Heraclitus seemed to think that it [rationality] was partly apprehended through the senses, that is, the most perfect condition of receptivity to truth was the condition in which a man was most awake. The stupidest man is he who is asleep, blind, self-involved, and we may add, self-absorbed (cp. frags. 95, 90, 77, 3, 2, 94). Hence, if we have rightly interpreted Heraclitus here, a man might wrap himself in thought forever and be no nearer to truth. The source of knowledge did not lie in that direction to any pre-Socratic Greek philosopher. Absorption into one’s inner self, which Pfleiderer thinks was Heraclitus’ source of absolute knowledge, was the one thing he most despised. (2015).

It was the occupation of Socrates and Plato to turn away from the evidence of the senses, the unacceptable transience of the world it revealed, and turn inwards in favor of uncovering eternal inner-truths:

The determinative ideas of the Ephesian may be summed up in a word by saying that they represent all that way of thinking against which Socrates and Plato raised the whole weight of their authority. […]Socrates said he could not understand the book of Heraclitus. That was not strange. The Ephesian could have told him the reason why. The man who could learn nothing from the fields and trees (see Plato’s Phaedrus, p. 230), who spent all his time in the Agora conversing with other men about virtue, and who never seemed to realize that there was a world above the heads and under the feet of men, was not likely to understand the book of Heraclitus. Could the Ephesian philosopher have taken the Athenian logician out and given him a few lessons from Nature at first hand, could he have induced him to desist for a while from his boring into human intellects in search of a definition, and got his gaze lifted up to the clouds and stars, and put him in actual contact with the περιέχον, he would have been an apter scholar with the book. (Patrick, 2015).

There is much more that I would like to add from Patrick’s book to fill out the immense opposition between Heraclitus’ monism and Platonic/Socratic transcendental dualism. Instead, I will refer readers to the “Reconstructive” section of his book, an audio-recording of which I have made available here. What has been supplied above should be more than enough to rebuff Peikoff’s hasty assertion and fabricated narrative. 

Concluding Remarks:

My hope is that this post serves as a useful reference-point refuting the most common and widespread erroneous beliefs philosophers propagate about Heraclitean philosophy. Professor Peikoff’s brief explication provided me with a perfect example of all the “facts” those with a passing familiarity with pre-Socratic philosophy are likely to associate with Heraclitus if they know him at all. There are no shortage of ideologies that interpret the faults and flaws Peikoff ascribes to the Ephesian, and I have take pains to reject, as really meritorious, proudly inducting Heraclitus as an ancient forefather of their irrational cults. Whatever the motivation may be, positive or negative, these distortions demand to be combatted. 

Heraclitus ought to speak for himself.

Sources: 

Barnes, J. (1982). The Pre-Socratic Philosophers. Routledge.

Burnet, J. (1920). Early Greek Philosophy. Adam & Charles Black.

Fuller, B.A.G. (1955). A History of Philosophy. Holt, Rinehart & Winston Inc.

Patrick, G.T.W. (2015). The Fragments of the Work of Heraclitus of Ephesus on Nature; Translated from the Greek Text of Bywater, with an Introduction Historical and Critical. Digireads.com Publishing.

Peikoff, L. & Berliner, M.S. (2023). Founders of Western Philosophy. Ayn Rand Institute Press.

Wheelwright, P. (1964). Heraclitus. Princeton University Press.


Cyrenaic Philosophy Sources

Useful sources for learning about Cyrenaic philosophy. 

Ancient Cyrenaicism:

Diogenes & Hard, R. (2012). Sayings and anecdotes: with other popular moralists. Oxford University Press.

Diogenes Laertius. (1980). Diogenes Laertius : lives of eminent philosophers. Harvard University Press.

Lampe, K. (2017). The Birth of Hedonism - The Cyrenaic Philosophers and Pleasure As a Way of Life. Princeton University Press.

O’Keefe, T. (n.d.). Cyrenaics. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, from https://iep.utm.edu/cyrenaics

Redmond, F. (2012). Cyreniacs Handbook. Createspace Independent Publishing Platform.

Tsouna-McKirahan, Voula. (1994). “The Socratic Origins of the Cynics and Cyrenaics”, in Paul A Vander Waerdt (ed.), The Socratic Movement. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp. 367-91.

Tsouna, V. (1998). The Epistemology of the Cyrenaic School. Cambridge University Press.


New Cyrenaicism:

Pater, W. (1893). Plato and Platonism. Praeger.

Pater, W. (1973). Marius the Epicurean. Blackwell.

Pater, W. (2019). The Renaissance: Studies in Art and Poetry. Litres.

Websites:



Objectivism’s Entity Ontology

Ontology is defined as the study of existence as such, of being qua being. This branch of inquiry includes claims about what kinds of things exist. The philosophy of objectivism asserts that the primary existents are entities, describing the nature of these objects in some detail, and therefore introduces certain limited ontological commitments, ostensibly remaining neutral regarding the ultimate constituent substance(s) of which they are composed. Accordingly, objectivism forwards an entity ontology. Here is some supporting evidence:

To exist is to be something, as distinguished from the nothing of non-existence, it is to be an entity of a specific nature made of specific attributes. [GS, FNI, 125]. 

The first concepts man forms are concepts of entities — since entities are the only primary existents. [ITOE, 18]. 

On the basis of the foregoing, the claim that objectivism posits an entity-ontology can be readily established. 

Entities are not the only existents according to objectivism. The foundation of objectivist metaphysics also affirms the existence of attributes, motions, and relationships, all of which properly belong to entities, and, as one among these dependent existents, objectivism affirms the attribute of consciousness. These derivatives, however, are not considered primary on an ontological level, although consciousness is considered an epistemological axiom. 

I flag these points to illustrate objectivism’s underlying rejection of idealism or panpsychism on a priori logical grounds. When objectivists refrain from naming the substance(s) which compose entities, they do so while ruling out the possibility of anything “mind-like”, essentially affirming some quasi-physicalism*. Rand maintains that attributes “…cannot exist by themselves, they are merely the characteristics of entities…” [ITOE, 18]. Consciousness, “the faculty of perceiving that which exists” [ITOE, 37], is only an emergent attribute of conscious entities, and cannot therefore be ontologically primary or necessary. Here “perceiving” is to be taken in a wider sense than the more particular usage elsewhere in Rand’s corpus, meaning simply “to be aware of” rather than something like “a group of sensations automatically retained and integrated by the brain of a living organism…” [VOS, 19]. Objectivism also maintains that an entity is identical to its attributes, however, attributes can only be isolated through selective focus, and in reality are simply aspects of unitary objects. On this account, Rand holds that consciousness is not an integral ingredient of existence. It is conceivable in the objectivist universe for there to be in the future, and to have been in the past, no consciousness in the universe. 

This material should suffice to illustrate objectivism’s commitment to an entity ontology. In future treatments, I will have recourse to this point due to its downstream implications for two different interpretations of the form-object distinction, paying particular attention to that forward by Peikoff in Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand, which entails an untenable dichotomy between objects of sense-perception, and the entities which cause their appearance. 

Notes:

*Objectivism claims that consciousness, though emergent from ostensibly physical bodies, is itself immaterial - however, this should not be understood as an alternative substance. Ayn Rand also explicitly suggest that we cannot know that the ultimate constituents of the physical universe are even “extended in space”, and we should not preemptively judge their nature according to our current understanding of macro-level phenomena. For more information on this point, see the Q&A appendix in ITOE.

Kame House Hedonism


Dragon Ball is an iconic Japanese manga and anime series created by Akira Toriyama. While the later Z sequel attracts more attention, I am personally partial towards the original show due to its lighter tone and casual philosophical underpinnings. There is much to recommend Dragon Ball primarily as an enjoyable viewing experience, but here we will focus on a small portion of its valuable moral content. The audience follows students Goku and Krillin as they strive to improve their martial arts skills under the guidance of the reclusive Turtle Hermit, Master Roshi. During their training period on Kame island, Roshi imparts some wise words to the young boys, ripe for New Cyrenaic appropriation:

Work hard, study well, and eat and sleep plenty! That is the Turtle Hermit way! 


Childishly simple advice, yet vital. Hedonists who take this brief credo seriously stand to improve the basic pillars of their lives. Let’s break it down:

Work hard (to procure pleasure): We must apply effort in order to achieve a pleasant life. For modern hedonists, this will primarily apply to one’s occupation, which provides the means to facilitate desirable goods, services, and experiences. Readers may come across quotes indicating that Aristippus did not trouble himself to procure what was not present, but it would be a misunderstanding to take these anecdotes as suggestive of sloth. Properly understood, we find exhortations to remain receptive to pleasurable opportunities available in current situations, rather than missing out by pining for absent allures. The anecdotes collected by Diogenes Laërtius clearly indicate that Aristippus valued education, cultivating skills of character, and forming beneficial relationships - all of which require long-term planning and purposeful action. Working hard does not entail aimlessly expending energy, however: it means focusing your attention on the areas that truly matter and striving towards greater happiness. In the context of Dragon Ball, hard work refers primarily to martial arts exercises. Interestingly enough, perhaps due to the Socratic influence, Cyrenaics also valued physical fitness, and according to Diogenes Laërtius they held that “bodily training contributes to the acquisition of virtue”. It is clear that nothing of value is achieved by terminal inaction, though as we will see later, indolence has its proper place. As for understanding what our goals ought to be, and how best to achieve them, we will cover that in the next stage. 

Study well (to develop skills and attitude): Paideia, or education, was an important element of Aristippus’ livelihood, and he infamously charged fees in exchange for imparting his wisdom to the youth. This education consisted primarily of Aristippus’ own philosophical program, teaching students how to act with appropriate self-possession, maintain their peace of mind, and navigate social situations. All of this involves developing sophrosūnē, which is a Greek ideal combining excellence of character with soundness of mind, perfectly exemplified by the cardinal Aristippean virtue of temperance. Ordinarily, this term suggests abstinence or deprivation. For Cyrenaics, however, exercising temperance means possessing the correct understanding of our ultimate end, while ensuring that our actions and attitudes align with it. Aristippus teaches that pleasure is the goal of life. In this connection, the virtue of temperance guards against our two biggest obstacles to enjoyment: 1. Attachment: overlooking present delights due to an unhealthy obsession with a particular desired source. 2. Craving: slavishly seeking after desires beyond those at hand. The state of mind characterized by attachment and craving is considered an illness/mental perversion. To avoid this, we disdain excess and focus our attention on the present moment. In this way, we prevent our imaginative projections from interfering with real pleasures, and maintain a receptive demeanor which increases our capacity for appreciation. By studying Cyrenaic philosophy, we can improve our philosophical understanding, enhance our character, and achieve an advantageous attitude.

Eat and sleep plenty (for health and well-being):  Metabolic nourishment and physiological regeneration are integral elements of maintaining healthy homeostasis. The Cyrenaics were in an important sense physicalist who considered our affections - pain and pleasure - to be the result of bodily motion. The upshot of such a position is that our foundational basis for pleasurable living is maintaining health and well-being. Aside from exercise, which we have already covered, diet and rest are the key requirements for proper biological and psychological functioning. In short, if you want to live a pleasant life, start by eating well and getting an appropriate amount of sleep!

Sources:

Lampe, K. (2017). The Birth of Hedonism - The Cyrenaic Philosophers and Pleasure As a Way of Life. Princeton University Press.

Redmond, F. (2012). Cyrenaics Handbook. Createspace Independent Publishing Platform.


Orthodox Cyrenaic Epistemology and Axiology

Orthodox Cyrenaic thought was largely expanded upon by Aristippus the Younger, the so-called Metrodidact, who was taught philosophy by his mother Arete. The doxographical material reveals certain basic epistemological and ethical principles elucidated by the early Cyrenaics, which I have collected and summarized below. It is important to recognize that the Cyrenaic theory of knowledge supports the practical hedonistic program, and this is its primary purpose. 

Epistemology:

  • The affections alone are apprehensible. The affections are the criteria of truth. The affections are appearances. All appearances are therefore true and apprehensible; they reveal nothing more than themselves.
  • Affections themselves are intelligible, but not the causes from which they arise. 
  • We have consciousness only of our own physical excitations; those which are course and painful, or those which are smooth and pleasant.
  • Consider both natural philosophy and dialectic to be useless. Anyone who has properly mastered the theory of good and evil will also be capable of speaking well, will be free from superstition, and will have escaped the fear of death. Logic, however, has its uses.
  • In pursuing philosophy we should concentrate on moral questions, for such are within our capacity and are useful, while those relating to [ultimate] nature are beyond our grasp and would be of no use even if they were open to investigation. 

Axiology:

  • Living pleasurably is the end.
  • No pleasure is different [in value] from any other pleasure, nor is one more pleasant than another, although these admit to degrees of purity in enjoyment, based on our state of mind.
  • All living creatures find pleasure agreeable and are repelled by pain.
  • From earliest childhood, we are instinctively drawn to pleasure, and after having attained it we seek for nothing more, whilst there is nothing we so strive to avoid as its opposite, pain.
  • It is possible, from perversity, that some people may not pursue pleasure. 
  • Pleasure is not always derived from mere sensation, but also involves cognitive judgement. 
  • Bodily pleasure is superior to mental pleasure. 
  • Although pleasure is desirable in itself, the things that give rise to certain pleasures are often irksome and quite the opposite of pleasurable, so striving to accumulate these pleasures also becomes disagreeable. 
  • Even wise persons only live pleasantly for the most part.
  • Practical wisdom is important, though it is not desirable for its own sake, but only for what it enables.
  • A friend is good for the advantages he brings us.
  • Bodily training can contribute to the acquisition of virtue.
  • Wealth is productive of pleasure, but not desirable in itself. 
  • Nothing is intrinsically just, honourable or base, but held to be so only by convention. A good person will do nothing improper because of the consequences and ill-repute that follow.
Sources:

Diogenes & Hard, R. (2012). Sayings and anecdotes: with other popular moralists. Oxford University Press.

Redmond, F. (2012). Cyreniacs Handbook. Createspace Independent Publishing Platform.

Hedonic Mantra

Epicurus long ago recognized the importance of memorable summarizations in aiding the practical application of philosophical material, and further, he extended an explanation:

Even those who have made considerable progress in understanding the main principles must keep in mind an outline of the essentials of the whole system.  For we frequently have need of the general view, but less often do we need the details. And it is necessary to focus on the main principles, and commit them firmly to memory, if we are to gain a comprehension of the most essential truths.  This is because an accurate knowledge of details can be obtained only if the general principles in the various departments are thoroughly grasped.  Even for those who are well educated, the most essential feature of all accurate knowledge is the capacity to make a rapid use of that knowledge, and this can only be done if the details are summed up in elementary principles and formulas. For it is not possible to grasp the complete course through the whole system unless one can embrace in one's own mind short formulas that set forth the principles that control the details. (Epicurus, Letter to Herodotus). 

Taking this advice, I have attempted to provide such an outline here and here for Cyrenaicism. Indeed, the surviving primary Epicurean material consists precisely of the man’s own philosophical summarizations, quite fortunately preserved by Diogenes Laërtius. One further reduction comes in the form of Philodemus’ Tetrapharmakos, or “The Fourfold Cure”, which is a diminutive credo encapsulating the core elements of Epicurean ethical principles, derived from the first four Principal Doctrines. While there are some issues with the standard formulation, nonetheless, there is much to recommend a mantra of this sort, and I’d like to attempt something similar for Cyrenaicism, in order that Aristippeans may have something memorable to keep in mind during daily activity. In that spirit, I offer the following:

Hedonic Mantra:

Peace and pleasure, guiding lights;

Present moments, pure delights.

With confidence, adapt and thrive.

Temper indulgence, master drives.

Cyrenaic Principles

Based on a careful reading of Aristippean anecdotes, in addition to adjacent orthodox material, I’ve synthesized a number of general principles, collected according to similarity of theme. Due to the interconnected nature of all philosophical systems, it’s appropriate that many points would fit under multiple headings, but there is a useful hierarchy here. Short summaries like this provide a quick reference for practical application. 

Hedonism:

  • To live pleasantly/pleasurably is the ultimate end of man.
  • Pleasure is the telos, pain is the greatest evil, and as proof of this we have the example of young children, animals, and the natural feelings of men. 
  • Pleasure is the smooth/moderate motion of the soul/body, resulting in sensation.
  • Bend world to self, not self to world.
  • A happy life holds heroic value over an ordinary existence.
  • Opulence and extravagance are not to be shunned, if available.
  • The man who masters pleasure is not the one who abstains, but the one who enjoys without allowing himself to be carried away.
  • Education improves receptivity and appreciation.
Peace of Mind:
  • Maintain calm temper, regardless of the situation.
  • Aim higher, while content with what you have.
  • A man ought not covet more than he possesses, else he risks the degree and purity of his joy.
  • Greed for excess is an illness, and we ought not become attached to any particular source of pleasure.
  • Accustom oneself to living on little so as to do nothing shameful for the purpose of gaining wealth.
  • Express amiability in relationships, avoid holding grudges, and aim for reconciliation.
  • We should not allow our words to be guided by anger, but ought use our words to put a check on our anger.
  • Eschew the troubles of politics.
Adaptability and Confidence:
  • Extract enjoyment from all circumstances, controlling adversity and prosperity alike.
  • Our philosophy imparts the ability to feel at ease in any society. We become skilled at adapting ourselves to place, time, and person. We can play our role in the manner that befits each circumstance. 
  • All states, styles, and circumstances suit us.
  • Wit, rhetorical skills, and suavity are valuable.
  • Fortune and chance are negligible.

Presentism:

  • The pleasures of the present moment are paramount.
  • Derive pleasure from what is present, without troublesome toil for what is not.
  • We should not be anxious about things past or future. Such an attitude is a sign of confidence and gives proof of a cheerful frame of mind.
  • Telescope your attention first on the day, and in that day, on the very moment in which we are acting and thinking, as a spiritual exercise to increase pleasurable appreciation. 
  • Only the present truly belongs to us. 
Virtue:
  • Skills of character are the most valuable possessions; those habits which conduce to pleasure are virtuous.
  • Virtue is praiseworthy only because it is productive of pleasure.
  • True wisdom consists of transforming disagreeable into agreeable sensations.
  • Temperance means to control desires, not to be controlled by them. It is not abstinence from pleasure, but mastery over it that is best, in order to indulge without being worsted.
  • Moderation prevents against corruption.
  • Disdain excess.
  • Freedom is the high road that leads most surely to happiness, being neither master nor slave.
  • Gratitude and rejoicing in what one has is superior to mourning what is lost or not achieved.

Sources:

Diogenes & Hard, R. (2012). Sayings and anecdotes: with other popular moralists. Oxford University Press.

Redmond, F. (2012). Cyreniacs Handbook. Createspace Independent Publishing Platform.

Walter Pater’s “Preface” to THE RENAISSANCE: STUDIES IN ART AND POETRY

Here I present Walter Pater’s Preface to The Renaissance: Studies in Art and Poetry, lightly edited and reformatted, reproduced here for ease of reference. This preface briefly illustrates Pater’s aesthetic approach, which is of utmost importance for New Cyrenaics, as one key source of pleasure. 

Preface:

Many attempts have been made by writers on art and poetry to define beauty in the abstract, to express it in the most general terms, to find some universal formula for it. The value of these attempts has most often been in the suggestive and penetrating things said by the way. Such discussions help us very little to enjoy what has been well done in art or poetry, to discriminate between what is more and what is less excellent in them, or to use words like beauty, excellence, art, poetry, with a more precise meaning than they would otherwise have. Beauty, like all other qualities presented to human experience, is relative; and the definition of it becomes unmeaning and useless in proportion to its abstractness. To define beauty, not in the most abstract but in the most concrete terms possible, to find not its universal formula, but the formula which expresses most adequately this or that special manifestation of it, is the aim of the true student of æsthetics. 

“To see the object as in itself it really is,” has been justly said to be the aim of all true criticism whatever, and in æsthetic criticism the first step towards seeing one’s object as it really is, is to know one’s own impression as it really is, to discriminate it, to realise it distinctly. The objects with which æsthetic criticism deals—music, poetry, artistic and accomplished forms of human life—are indeed receptacles of so many powers or forces: they possess, like the products of nature, so many virtues or qualities. What is this song or picture, this engaging personality presented in life or in a book, to me? What effect does it really produce on me? Does it give me pleasure? and if so, what sort or degree of pleasure? How is my nature modified by its presence, and under its influence? The answers to these questions are the original facts with which the æsthetic critic has to do; and, as in the study of light, of morals, of number, one must realise such primary data for one’s self, or not at all. And he who experiences these impressions strongly, and drives directly at the discrimination and analysis of them, has no need to trouble himself with the abstract question what beauty is in itself, or what its exact relation to truth or experience—metaphysical questions, as unprofitable as metaphysical questions elsewhere. He may pass them all by as being, answerable or not, of no interest to him. 

The æsthetic critic, then, regards all the objects with which he has to do, all works of art, and the fairer forms of nature and human life, as powers or forces producing pleasurable sensations, each of a more or less peculiar or unique kind. This influence he feels, and wishes to explain, by analysing and reducing it to its elements. To him, the picture, the landscape, the engaging personality in life or in a book, La Gioconda, the hills of Carrara, Pico of Mirandola, are valuable for their virtues, as we say, in speaking of a herb, a wine, a gem; for the property each has of affecting one with a special, a unique, impression of pleasure. Our education becomes complete in proportion as our susceptibility to these impressions increases in depth and variety. And the function of the æsthetic critic is to distinguish, to analyse, and separate from its adjuncts, the virtue by which a picture, a landscape, a fair personality in life or in a book, produces this special impression of beauty or pleasure, to indicate what the source of that impression is, and under what conditions it is experienced. His end is reached when he has disengaged that virtue, and noted it, as a chemist notes some natural element, for himself and others; and the rule for those who would reach this end is stated with great exactness in the words of a recent critic of Sainte-Beuve:—De se borner à connaître de près les belles choses, et à s’en nourrir en exquis amateurs, en humanistes accomplis. [To limit oneself to knowing beautiful things up close, and to nourishing oneself from them as exquisite amateurs, as accomplished humanists.]

What is important, then, is not that the critic should possess a correct abstract definition of beauty for the intellect, but a certain kind of temperament, the power of being deeply moved by the presence of beautiful objects. He will remember always that beauty exists in many forms. To him all periods, types, schools of taste, are in themselves equal. In all ages there have been some excellent workmen, and some excellent work done. The question he asks is always:—In whom did the stir, the genius, the sentiment of the period find itself? where was the receptacle of its refinement, its elevation, its taste? “The ages are all equal,” says William Blake, “but genius is always above its age.” 

Often it will require great nicety to disengage this virtue from the commoner elements with which it may be found in combination. Few artists, not Goethe or Byron even, work quite cleanly, casting off all débris, and leaving us only what the heat of their imagination has wholly fused and transformed. Take, for instance, the writings of Wordsworth. The heat of his genius, entering into the substance of his work, has crystallised a part, but only a part, of it; and in that great mass of verse there is much which might well be forgotten. But scattered up and down it, sometimes fusing and transforming entire compositions, like the Stanzas on Resolution and Independence, or the Ode on the Recollections of Childhood, sometimes, as if at random, depositing a fine crystal here or there, in a matter it does not wholly search through and transmute, we trace the action of his unique, incommunicable faculty, that strange, mystical sense of a life in natural things, and of man’s life as a part of nature, drawing strength and colour and character from local influences, from the hills and streams, and from natural sights and sounds. Well! that is the virtue, the active principle in Wordsworth’s poetry; and then the function of the critic of Wordsworth is to follow up that active principle, to disengage it, to mark the degree in which it penetrates his verse. 

The subjects of the following studies are taken from the history of the Renaissance, and touch what I think the chief points in that complex, many-sided movement. I have explained in the first of them what I understand by the word, giving it a much wider scope than was intended by those who originally used it to denote that revival of classical antiquity in the fifteenth century which was only one of many results of a general excitement and enlightening of the human mind, but of which the great aim and achievements of what, as Christian art, is often falsely opposed to the Renaissance, were another result. This outbreak of the human spirit may be traced far into the middle age itself, with its motives already clearly pronounced, the care for physical beauty, the worship of the body, the breaking down of those limits which the religious system of the middle age imposed on the heart and the imagination. I have taken as an example of this movement, this earlier Renaissance within the middle age itself, and as an expression of its qualities, two little compositions in early French; not because they constitute the best possible expression of them, but because they help the unity of my series, inasmuch as the Renaissance ends also in France, in French poetry, in a phase of which the writings of Joachim du Bellay are in many ways the most perfect illustration. The Renaissance, in truth, put forth in France an aftermath, a wonderful later growth, the products of which have to the full that subtle and delicate sweetness which belongs to a refined and comely decadence, just as its earliest phases have the freshness which belongs to all periods of growth in art, the charm of ascêsis, of the austere and serious girding of the loins in youth. 

But it is in Italy, in the fifteenth century, that the interest of the Renaissance mainly lies,—in that solemn fifteenth century which can hardly be studied too much, not merely for its positive results in the things of the intellect and the imagination, its concrete works of art, its special and prominent personalities, with their profound æsthetic charm, but for its general spirit and character, for the ethical qualities of which it is a consummate type. 

The various forms of intellectual activity which together make up the culture of an age, move for the most part from different starting-points, and by unconnected roads. As products of the same generation they partake indeed of a common character, and unconsciously illustrate each other; but of the producers themselves, each group is solitary, gaining what advantage or disadvantage there may be in intellectual isolation. Art and poetry, philosophy and the religious life, and that other life of refined pleasure and action in the conspicuous places of the world, are each of them confined to its own circle of ideas, and those who prosecute either of them are generally little curious of the thoughts of others. There come, however, from time to time, eras of more favourable conditions, in which the thoughts of men draw nearer together than is their wont, and the many interests of the intellectual world combine in one complete type of general culture. The fifteenth century in Italy is one of these happier eras, and what is sometimes said of the age of Pericles is true of that of Lorenzo:—it is an age productive in personalities, many-sided, centralised, complete. Here, artists and philosophers and those whom the action of the world has elevated and made keen, do not live in isolation, but breathe a common air, and catch light and heat from each other’s thoughts. There is a spirit of general elevation and enlightenment in which all alike communicate. The unity of this spirit gives unity to all the various products of the Renaissance; and it is to this intimate alliance with the mind, this participation in the best thoughts which that age produced, that the art of Italy in the fifteenth century owes much of its grave dignity and influence. 

I have added an essay on Winckelmann, as not incongruous with the studies which precede it, because Winckelmann, coming in the eighteenth century, really belongs in spirit to an earlier age. By his enthusiasm for the things of the intellect and the imagination for their own sake, by his Hellenism, his life-long struggle to attain to the Greek spirit, he is in sympathy with the humanists of a previous century. He is the last fruit of the Renaissance, and explains in a striking way its motive and tendencies. 

1873.

Sources:

Pater, W. (2019). The Renaissance: Studies in Art and Poetry. Litres.

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